March 04, 2011 Beck: Lessons from Failed Revolutions | Glenn Beck

March 04, 2011 Beck: Lessons from Failed Revolutions | Glenn Beck With: Glenn Beck Special Guests | Robert Gellately, Andrew Roberts, David Horowitz This is a rush transcript from "Glenn Beck," March 4, 2011. This copy may not be in its final form and may be updated.   GLENN BECK, HOST: Yes. Hello, America. Tonight is another fun-filled Friday on "The Glenn Beck Program." Revolution, that is what we're going to talk about tonight but in the historic context and we have people in the audience who are from Hungary and Russia and Cuba -- from countries all over the world that have experienced revolution. And revolution up until recently is a word that everybody thought was ridiculous. I mean, it was a forgotten idea. It was thought of something from the old days in our dusty history books that apparently nobody reads anymore. But the events in Egypt and Tunisia around the Middle East have served to put us on alert, I hope. Too many people right now are saying, oh, gee, revolution is great. No, no -- no, it's not, because revolution is just the beginning. And it's a reminder of what a small but dedicated group of people bent on revolution can accomplish. We can easily forget the seeds of our own country were planted in revolution. How many countries that are existing right now in the world have their roots in revolution? I'll give you that answer in a second. Our revolutionaries were different. These are -- a lot of these are revolutionaries. I love this guy. I wish I had a t-shirt of this killer, huh? Or a Christmas ornament of this killer. These are many of the revolutionaries that are currently around some of the old ones. But there's another group of revolutionaries that were much, much different. The founders were not a massive group of people. They didn't even all agree. Only 25 percent of the American population wanted to separate from Great Britain. Another 25 percent of Americans didn't want to separate and 50 percent were like -- whatever. Not really that different now, is it? But these men were dedicated and they worked and plodded and they planned, and they used their different abilities. It was Sam Adams and Ben Franklin and Thomas Paine. He did it through churches. He did it through his pamphlets that were handed out. Then there were people like James Madison and John Adams. If today's media existed during the American Revolution, probably the attacks would have been -- oh, these guys, they are getting together with the Koch brothers and they're finding cash to fund an uprising. What they're doing is they're going to foreigners and getting cash. That's what they would have said because that's what they did. The Founders worked together and they planned and they organized even though they didn't agree. And they moved towards revolution. History has shown us that this happens time and time again. When there is unrest and discontent, people and groups who may not agree on everything work together to try to overturn the government. That's what these guys did. And Founders, what they did is they just broke away, formed something new. The most organized, the group that is standing there and says, "I've got a plan," they are the ones who usually stand in the end. The Founders started talking about breaking away and self-governing in 1754. And then in 1770, the British started shooting. But it was six years later before this guy wrote the Declaration of Independence. And he said we should just break away. That was 1776. Here's a stat that because it happened so long ago we probably don't have the proper context on. 1776 is when we broke away. When did we get the Bill of Rights? When did we establish the government that we have right now and get the Bill of Rights? Anybody know? 1791 was the Bill of Rights. That's a long time. That's decades of planning and then war and then fighting. This guy -- this guy, by 1789, this is Hamilton, he was actually arguing with all the other guys that we should maybe have something more like Great Britain again. The Founders didn't agree on everything. Alexander Hamilton wanted to go back to the British through a revolution. This revolution was successful but most are not. The French Revolution fooled some of our Founders. Thomas Paine and Thomas Jefferson were both wrong about the French Revolution. The French Revolution, they all -- these guys thought it was a good thing. These two. When Robespierre decided to start to execute and behead the king and anyone else that got in a way, Paine, who had gone over to be a part and help out in the French Revolution, actually found himself in here, the Bastille. Paine was like, whoa, whoa, wait a minute. Hold on just a second. And it landed him in prison for an execution -- fascinating story on why he wasn't executed. Maybe we'll tell you that later. I want to stick to the French Revolution. It said to have begun on a tennis court June 20th, 1789. It was inspired by ours. It started here. It was on a tennis court. They were locked out of the typical meeting place and they swore an oath not to disband until they drawn up a constitution for France. Once power changed hands, Robespierre became powerful. And in an attempt to stabilize the country, he went on a reign of terror. Remember how many times that I said that people will beg for someone just to make the madness end, so he did. Anybody was deemed a threat was executed immediately. It was a horror show. At one point, you know, people use to go and they would cheer for the beheadings at the beginning. And Robespierre got to a point where they were taking kids and infants and killing them. It was mob rule. Forty thousand people were slaughtered in the French Revolution. It ended not with Robespierre or any of the guys who started it. It ended with a dictator, Napoleon. Their revolutionaries weren't rooted in principles like our Founders. So, when the pressure came for jobs and food, what did they do? They do what most revolutionaries do, they start killing the weak and the old -- all enemies of revolution. They do it. They start to kill the old and infirm and the weak. Why? To save money, to help the economy and to create jobs. That's the French Revolution. That's what happens every time unless -- unless you have something that these revolutionaries had that nobody else has had before or since. This guy was a great example of it. And so was this man and this man -- a profound belief in God. But all of them -- maybe we could lose this guy -- all of them were good people. The French had people believing in a collective. The American Revolution understood that real power came from God and then to the individual. And they recognized that each individual matter to God. That's why we weren't rounding people up and burying them in mass graves to save tax dollars or to create jobs because the individual mattered to God. The French Revolution was also centered around atheism and immorality. It's the antithesis of what Jefferson and Washington believed. Washington said that religion and morality had made the American experiment so successful. We know that Jefferson said a republic would only function with good and decent and religious people and so did John Adams. The French eliminated religion and God. Now, the question was how many nations right now -- the 192 nations in the world, how many that are currently existing started as a revolutionary one in its own history? One, with the guys who started it, one. No one else even comes close to the 235 years under the same piece of paper. France -- to give you some examples -- France has had 15 different governments since those guys lived. Now, revolution is the hot buzzword in the world and new revolutionaries are coming forward and they're trying to transform America and the globe. Ask yourself: would it be more likely to stand in line with Robespierre or George Washington? And who has the most organized group? Because that matters in the end. Joining me now is the author of this book that is absolutely fantastic. You should have it in your bookshelf. Robert Gellately, he is the author of "Lenin, Stalin and Hitler: The Age of Social Catastrophe." Also, he is a professor of modern European history at Florida State University. Joining me via satellite from London is British historian is Andrew Roberts. He is the author of "Napoleon and Wellington," and his new book is "The Storm of War." And in California to talk a little bit about the new revolutionaries, David Horowitz. He knows, he's a former revolutionary himself and the author of "Unholy Alliance: Radical Islam and the American Left." Let me -- let me first go over the pond here and find out what do I have wrong on the French Revolution. Do I have it right? ANDREW ROBERTS, "NAPOLEON & WELLINGTON" AUTHOR: Yes, you got it right. It's centrally, as you say, an atheist attack on the established order. It very quickly, within four years of the fort of the Bastille, turns into a blood bath with people being guillotined for primarily political purposes but also because of who they are, where they come from in the social class. And then, of course, it winds up, at the end of the decade, in 1799, being taken over by Napoleon who, as you mentioned, was able to offer jobs and stability and an end to the terror but, of course, becomes a dictator. BECK: Does it always end, I know it ends in France -- Professor Gellately, let me go to you. Does it always end with revolution madness and then a strong man coming in to stop the insanity and promising, I'll feed you and I'll care for you? ROBERT GELLATELY, "LENIN, STALIN & HITLER" AUTHOR: Well, I think, roughly speaking, that's how it happens. I mean, nobody really objects. Revolutions begin -- mostly they begin when people agree there's a repressive system. People are suffering. There's torture and that sort of thing. And there's a general agreement. A whole new group of people then enter into these revolutions. They have ideas of their own. There are other people, for example, who may not be in the country at that time, who come from abroad, like Lenin, who wasn't in Russia when the revolution broke out. He came back. He knew perfectly well what he wanted and he was -- when he -- BECK: Wait, wait, before you go to Lenin, let me just spend a minute here -- because how many people are from the former Soviet Union? A lot. Boy, have we forgotten here in America what the former Soviet Union really was. But we -- before I go to you and find out what it was to remind us, let me ask you how it started because most people think of Lenin coming up and saying, we're going to have revolution. GELLATELY: No, it didn't happen that way at all. As a matter of fact, it happened because of the war. First World War brought on a massive crisis. There were all kind of attempts at reform. They were getting nowhere. Finally, the king -- the czars and ministers and the military leaders went to him and said, look, there's no way out of crisis we're in. We're not going into all the details, but you've got to go. He said, well, that doesn't seem right. They said -- so he tried to pass it on to his brother and that didn't work either. And they finally -- he said, the brother asked, will the army protect me? And army said, we can't guarantee you security. And that was revolution, the czar -- 300-year reign of the Romanovs was over. Then what they decided to do is to carry on the war. This was a great error, but if they hadn't done that, they would have been criticized by the nationalists. But they decided to carry on the war, and Lenin, of course, isn't even in Russia. BECK: He's in Germany. GELLATELY: He's in Switzerland. BECK: Switzerland. GELLATELY: And he separated by coming home and it is Lenin who then says, I've got to get back and the Germans, a conservative government, I would add at that time, the Germans were so intent on winning that war that they actually ship him across the country in a field train so no communist Germans leak out during that time. They then -- BECK: But, wait, they didn't think he was. He said, wasn't he -- was saying this is freedom. What we have over here is we have something great, freedom, right? GELLATELY: When he lands -- when he lands, he goes to the famous Finland station and gives a speech. And in the speech he says, he gives them 10 commandments, except he calls thesis, something like Luther. And he says, we have 10 theses for you. We're going to give land to the peasants. We're going to and give peace to the people. We're going to give bread to the hungry. What can be wrong with that? But, of course, we know very well it's a matter of time before the land is going to be taken back. But he has his eye on power. He said, "Revolution is about one thing, it's about power. And how you get it is you give people what they want." And he was one of those people who determined from day one that he was going to turn the revolution into a Bolshevik revolution. Now, the revolution -- in the meantime, the revolutionaries carrying on, they said we'll have a constituent assembly, and the constituent assembly, what they decide to do is have elections. And, of course, the elections, these carry on and on. The elections are held, the Bolsheviks do not don't win. That's forgone conclusion. Lenin has no intention for these elections to take place. And on the 26th of October, they carry out a violent coup against the regime. The constituent assembly actually does meet -- BECK: OK. GELLATELY: January 19th -- I know we're getting far ahead, and he lets them met for one day and that's it. BECK: In Germany, you had a similar thing, we're going to take a break -- but you see, I think, a similar piece where the voice of the people was not Lenin. The voice of the people in Germany was not Hitler, and people dismiss them. People -- they all said the same thing. If I'm not mistaken, at least I know about Germany. They said, a lot of them, don't -- he's not a problem. He's not going to be a problem. And in the end, he did the same things that Lenin did. He just takes the power. GELLATELY: Well, the problem -- OK, the situation in the Weimar Republic and remember, at the end of the war -- the end of the war comes about when Germany cannot continue. And they finally call an armistice on a day we still celebrate as the 9th of November. That armistice leads then on into a revolution. And this revolution is spontaneous and they bring out an assembly just like in Russia, except this time it needs -- they found the Weimar Republic. And the Weimar Republic is called the most democratic republic of all time. The problem was it -- BECK: That -- GELLATELY: The problem was it had -- it had weaknesses that were exploited. It had a multiparty system instead of the two-party system. BECK: Right. GELLATELY: It was exploited and it had -- some people had said, I think it's probably cruel to say it, it was a stillborn revolution. BECK: Yes. OK, back in just a second. (APPLAUSE) (COMMERCIAL BREAK) (APPLAUSE) BECK: We're back with Robert Gellately and Andrew Roberts and David Horowitz. And we're going to be joined with Andrew and David here in just a second and bring it forward a little bit. But I want to spend a little time with Russia because we have -- we have seven people from Russia, two from the Ukraine, three from Hungary -- no, one from Hungary and three from Cuba. I want to spend sometime with Russia and Ukraine. Let me go to Anna first. Anna, what is the experience of Russia, how long have you been here from the former Soviet Union? AUDIENCE MEMBER: I've been living in the United States for 23 years now. BECK: OK. Do you remember growing up then in the Soviet Union? AUDIENCE MEMBER: Growing up in the Soviet Union and my family was the part of Soviet Refusenik. It's the movement that was trying to move the Soviet Jews from Russia. A lot of those people were incarcerated in prisons from early 1919 to basically 1988. So, a lot -- BECK: Yes, but prisons are nice. I mean, Americans have seen prisons before. They have television and it's -- AUDIENCE MEMBER: Yes. Well, a lot of those people -- fortunately, my family wasn't. But a lot of people -- a lot of our friends were in prison during these years. And -- BECK: And they weren't -- they weren't American-style prisons is what I -- AUDIENCE MEMBER: They were not. They were gulag prisons basically. BECK: Yes. Let me go to Vladimir. You have been in this country for how long? AUDIENCE MEMBER: For 22 years. BECK: Twenty-two years? You remember growing up in the Soviet Union. AUDIENCE MEMBER: Oh, yes, absolutely. It's not just growing up as regular citizen, but the one that was non-conformist sort of speak, with different ideas. And I remember the day when in 1984, I got in Russia, my English was kind rusty at the time. When I got a book, Orwell's book, "1984," in Russian translation. And I was reading "1984" being in Russia in 1984. BECK: Wow. Wow. There were books that you could not read and if you were found with books in the Soviet Union -- is that correct. Will anybody verify that? AUDIENCE MEMBER: Gulag. (CROSSTALK) BECK: Gulag? AUDIENCE MEMBER: Yes. BECK: Right, just for reading a book. Alexandra, down here if you will, Alexandra, you know about having books or not being able to -- AUDIENCE MEMBER: What we have were (INAUDIBLE) family by family, Xerox all these books, if you've taken for a night to read, you know, if you get caught, you would go to jail. BECK: What does it like to live in -- AUDIENCE MEMBER: (INAUDIBLE) only like this. BECK: What does it feel like to -- AUDIENCE MEMBER: It's exciting. (LAUGHTER) BECK: Mikhail, you've been here for how long? AUDIENCE MEMBER: Thirty-three years. BECK: Thirty-three years. You sound like you were born here. (LAUGHTER) BECK: Your experience in the former Soviet Union? AUDIENCE MEMBER: Experience as far as reading books, because something (INAUDIBLE), which gives somebody just hide the books, you know, and secretly them to know what (INAUDIBLE) books. Even, you will be surprise, if you went to hear the records of Frank Sinatra, I could go to jail for something like this. So, you were considered a American spies. BECK: If you listened to Frank Sinatra, you were considered a spy? AUDIENCE MEMBER: Yes. Music also became (INAUDIBLE). You know, it's not regular records, but we also like that. BECK: So, how did you listen to -- when you would listen to music, did you -- were you afraid? Were you -- did you turn it way down? I mean, Americans cannot relate to this at all. Wait, this is your wife to you? AUDIENCE MEMBER: Yes, this is my wife. BECK: What did you say? AUDIENCE MEMBER: I said that if you want to listen Voice of America radio station, you have to do it in the room where nobody is around you and no neighbors hear you. BECK: You know -- AUDIENCE MEMBER: Very careful because neighbors listen in and if it's a little bit more loud, they're going to write the KGB. Then they report -- BECK: Did anybody have -- was anybody asked to report on their friends or their family or was anybody put in that situation, Vladimir? AUDIENCE MEMBER: Yes, it happens to me because I used to be frank (INAUDIBLE) if go you go to synagogue. A lot of times, I was the organizer of Jews singles in Russia, I was told by KGB. My grandparents emigrated to Israel and at some of point, it lasted for me for this long, (INAUDIBLE) all of us that were here were relatively young. So, you have to do something to be sent to in gulag, which to be punished by the KGB, but (INAUDIBLE) to start with, you know, I don't have to do anything. And that's in the period of 1936, 1937, you'll be killed for nothing. You can be charged (ph) with revolutionary or a communist, you would still end up in a gulag and tens of millions were. BECK: Reverend, I think it was in your book that I read and correct me if I'm wrong, it's been a few years since I read it. But isn't it in your book where it talks about how, you know, they took the farm -- everybody was like, yes, revolution, let's take it from the -- let's take it from the man. And they were handing out the farms and businesses to the workers, but they didn't know how to run the farms. GELLATELY: Well, this is the tragedy. The people -- when people are given the right to the land that they worked for generations, it's really owned by the czar or the state -- BECK: Right. GELLATELY: -- and suddenly, they are in state of revolution, and the communists, that's the first thing Lenin promised. I mean, when he returned in April 1970, the first thing he did was to promise peasants that they would have the land. BECK: Right. GELLATELY: And the peasants then, of course, they wanted that land. But, of course, it's a dream that doesn't work too well because -- BECK: But then -- hang on. Didn't they take -- they took the land from the -- you know, the collective, from the people, and then, you know, from the people who worked it, et cetera, et cetera, killed them because they were farmers, killed them, gave the land, quote, unquote, "to the peasants" that worked the land. When they didn't meet the food quotas, then they came back in -- it wasn't Stalin, didn't he have to go back and say, hey, by the way, you're no longer the man. And they said, you can't take this away from me, right? GELLATELY: You just summarize about 10 years of history there but -- . (LAUGHTER) GELLATELY: God knows how many lives. BECK: Yes. GELLATELY: Basically you're right. I mean, Lenin gives them the land. They can't make it pay because there's an inflation that's going crazy. They can't make it pay. BECK: Right. GELLATELY: The productivity goes down. There are famines resulting and the famines then, of course, they put -- they go after the best farmers often as well. BECK: Right. GELLATELY: These are the so-called kulaks that are killed or deported. And then you have a horrible situation as a result. That therefore opens the door to call for collectivization. BECK: Let me -- let me go to -- who's from the Ukraine? You -- I mean, you should come on down. We should bring a chair down here, Mikhail. You're from the Ukraine. How amazed are you that Americans don't know anything about the famine? The one Russians intentionally brought on. Are you amazed that most Americans don't know what that is? AUDIENCE MEMBER: Yes, they don't know what it is. In fact, I was (INAUDIBLE) my grandparents, basically they were taken all their belongings and lived in a small Jewish village we call shtetls, Jewish shtetls. And they just died (ph), you know, from famine in 1918 before the collectivization. But that was the collectivization problem was even more. BECK: In the Ukraine, they actually -- they went in intentionally in trying -- GELLATELY: I mean, this is debated still, whether it was intentional or not, but basically it was -- it's still called the terror famine, and we've had now an awful lot of documents come out of Soviet Union that they have now opened the documentation and the more documents we get, I would just say this -- the more documents we get, the more convinced that I am that this was a genocide. BECK: Yes. GELLATELY: People -- BECK: We've seen -- I mean, I've shown people video where people are running to the fields to be able to try to get anything out of it, an ear of corn and they're killed. GELLATELY: They made a law against stealing an ear of corn. BECK: Right. GELLATELY: It's a notorious law. And that's correct. What was in dispute and remains in dispute is that we don't have a smoking gun. We don't have an order from Stalin saying do this on purpose. You see, the genocide convention calls for intentionality. Now, what we can say is that by force of circumstantial evidence there is now a case that is -- well, I would say very respectable historians are now making the argument. BECK: And you are very respectable historian until you appeared on this show and now it's now all shut to hell. I now want to take it to today. I want to take it over to England where there are revolutionaries on the streets of England. They are saying kind of the basic things that your parents and grandparents heard all around the world. Then also to a revolutionary who can recognize and decipher what people are really saying, the revolutionaries themselves. They are using a code language. Be back in just a second. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) (NEWSBREAK) BECK: Tonight, we're talking about history's failed revolutions and what they can teach us today. Still with us Robert Gellately and Andrew Roberts and David Horowitz. Andrew, I want to come to you before we go to David. I got a lot of heat here in America for saying that radicals Islamists, communists, socialists, labor unions from all over the world are working together, even though they don't agree with each other on everything to destabilize and start revolutions. And that is what happened in the Middle East then it started with Tunisia and then Egypt and Libya and it's headed all over the Middle East. Do you think that is a crazy conspiracy theory? ROBERTS: No, no. I certainly don't think it's a crazy conspiracy theory at all. If these organizations want the same thing then, of course, it's in their interests to work together. They won't necessarily work together in the same way that you would expect democrats to. They wouldn't necessarily even have to communicate much with one another, but the fact is if they want the same thing, they will go out and get it. And we see again and again in history. And also the other thing that's terribly unimportant is numbers. You don't need large numbers to create a revolution. Sometimes like the Bolsheviks, the word Bolshevik in Russian means minority. They can always be very small numbers starting this huge and disastrous historical phenomenon. BECK: And doesn't that work actually to their advantage because people dismiss them? They dismiss them -- ROBERTS: They can stay organized. They can have a central series of commands, which are unquestionably obeyed in the way that a large mass movement often can't have. BECK: What are you seeing in Egypt and in the Middle East? Where do you think this ends? ROBERTS: I'm seeing the Muslim Brotherhood, of course, in Egypt, which is an extremely unpleasant and vicious, ideologically vicious organization, also well organized. As I mentioned earlier, you get this with the Bolsheviks and you also, of course, got it with a Khomeini revolution in 1979 in Iran. You have these people who are driven with various ideological beliefs that go in to other countries. Libya, for example, quite recently and Colonel Gadhafi was accused of being a Jew. That was worst thing that his so-called democratic opponents, his so-called moderate opponents were able to say about him. You see the anti-Semitism is a classic telltale sign that you get across revolutions and across history. BECK: You had the national socialists in Germany bond with the -- ROBERTS: Only 2.3 percent of the population in 1933. There were very, very few of them, but it didn't mean that they weren't able, of course, as you mentioned with anti-Semitism to create the German revolution. The Bolsheviks also were monstrous anti-Semitic. BECK: And they -- in Germany, the fascists linked with the communists, they didn't work together, but they had the same purpose of revolution of workers revolution, revolution right, Robert? Go ahead. ROBERTS: Exactly that and you found that although, they hated each other and ultimately this was to be seen in the attack of Operation Barbarosa on the 22nd of June 1941 when Hitler invaded Russia. Actually both of them were working very hard to undermine the Weimar State from within. BECK: Now, I want to take you some place. We were just talking about the Muslim Brotherhood. Now we have this. We have Muslim Brotherhood here in America and we have radicals here in America. They would like to have America be theirs, but there are also the labor unions, which surprisingly looking of a lot like the International Socialist Organization. This is AFL/CIO. This is the International Socialist Organization. You tell me what the difference is here besides the color and the star. We'll do that next with David Horowitz. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) BECK: We're back with Robert Gellately and Andrew Roberts and now David Horowitz. David, I know you don't have - I don't think Fox goes to L.A. so you can't see these. I'm holding them up. One is the International Socialist Organization logo and the other is the AFL-CIO Stand with Wisconsin logo. They're identical. Would you guys agree they are identical? HOROWITZ: The socialist radical left took over the AFL-CIO years ago. I think your statement that the international left including the unions is working in the same direction with the Islamic Jihadists and the Muslim Brotherhood is the truest thing that anybody has said about the crisis in the Middle East. I wanted to say you hear people saying America has to get on the right side of history. You have to ask yourself, do you want to be on the right side of history in 1917, which led to the slaughter of 40 million people or in China in 1949 or in Germany in 1933 or in Iran in 1979 when the Ayatollah came to power or in Cuba in 1959. Progressives have this idea that history is a forward march. Just they're just around the corner. There is a better world and a miraculously better world. That is why when they get power they kill so many people. BECK: David, why -- HOROWITZ: It's obviously false. If that were true, the 20th Century would have been the best century and actually from the point of view of human rights and the murder of innocents, the 20th Century is the worst century in the history of mankind. Be careful before you stabilizer or applaud the destabilization of the whole region, which is happening now. BECK: Let me talk to you a little bit about here in America. People dismiss socialists and communists as a bunch of clowns, which I think work to their advantage. Because as we have talked, it's always a very small minority that makes it happen. People can't believe labor union members can't believe they are in the communist. I'm not in with the communists. That is not -- HOROWITZ: The mentality, Glenn - BECK: Yes. HOROWITZ: In Wisconsin, you see these labor union members, beating tom-toms inside the democratic elected House preventing them from doing their work and chanting the people united will never be defeated. In other words, anybody who disagrees with them is against the people and enemy of the people. This is totalitarian mentality, which is not to say that every member of the union is a totalitarian, but the leaders are socialist and they want to control everybody. BECK: What they'll say, if I was the average the union worker, I'll say look I'm not for revolution. I'm not a communist. It's just a leadership and it's no big deal. We're not going to go all communist. We're not going to have a revolution. HOROWITZ: You know, how about respecting the vote that was held in November and being civil about it. When union members will stand up and I'm sure there are plenty who do stand up for respecting the election, for organizing and winning the next election, but not obstructing, not shutting down a democratic body, I'll be persuaded. Right now, these public sector unions are the most left wing unions in America. They are run by '60s radicals. BECK: Are they connected to the revolution and uprising now even in India? HOROWITZ: Absolutely. They are international organizations. There are all these radicals, you know, who are organized like Acorn whatever they call the international organization. The left is always international minded. They are not patriotic. They don't believe in nation states, but they are looking for a world revolution that's going to bring a better world around the corner. It's a crypto religion. They believe in the redemption of the world. The dangerous thing is that they see themselves as the redeemers so they will do anything to achieve their ends. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) BECK: Final few minutes here with Robert Gellately, Andrew Roberts and David Horowitz. While we're on the break, I gave each of them 30 second and I said tell the American people one thing. If you don't want to repeat history, what is the one thing you must do, Robert? GELLATELY: I would say the first thing you should do and keep on doing is watch out for civil and legal rights. These are precious things that are the first things dictators get rid of. Particularly I would emphasize freedom of the press. The first right, first privilege, whatever you want to call it, the Lenin got rid of after he took power, his first order was to silence the opposition press. It was no accident. BECK: All right, Andrew? ROBERTS: For me, it would be just you got to stick to your basic instincts. You have to keep all those gut things that made America great in the first place that allowed you to defeat this parliament that I'm sitting in front of and stick to your constitution. It's an incredible document, a God-given document and you really must hold on to that. BECK: OK, and David? HOROWITZ: The greatest bulwark against totalitarian future is the first amendment, which is under assault at the U.N. globally by the Islamists who want to make any criticism of Islamic terror blasphemous and outlawed. Domestically by the left and doctrine of political correctness where if you are critical of Palestinian terrorists or Islamic terrorists you will be shut down because people will charge you with offending a religion or offending an ethnicity. Of course, offending Jews or Christians, that is OK, but that is the way they do it. They will shut down your free speech. That is what is happening in Wisconsin. They are trying to nullify a vote and to nullify a legislature. BECK: I think -- HOROWITZ: The second thing I would say is take away the political power of government unions. BECK: All right, David, I got to run. Thank you very much for you time, gentlemen. We'll be back in just a second. (COMMERCIAL BREAK) BECK: Point of the program tonight was that revolutions are ugly. They may sound great at the beginning, but they are really not. They don't always end the way you think they do. In fact, they usually don't. It's the best organized that win. From New York, good night, America. Content and Programming Copyright 2011 Fox News Network, LLC. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. Copyright 2011 CQ-Roll Call, Inc. All materials herein are protected by United States copyright law and may not be reproduced, distributed, transmitted, displayed, published or broadcast without the prior written permission of CQ-Roll Call. You may not alter or remove any trademark, copyright or other notice from copies of the content.   Carl Ray Louk "FRIENDSHIP NEVER ENDS" SG-1996 "LET LOVE LEAD THE WAY" SG-2000 "THE PHOENIX SHALL RISE" SD "EVEN A MAN WHO IS PURE IN HEART AND SAYS HIS PRAYERS BY NIGHT, MAY BECOME A WOLF WHEN THE WOLFBANE BLOOMS AND THE AUTUMN MOON IS BRIGHT." 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